Mahathir vs. Harakah – if you can’t beat them, at least try to restrict them

When Pakistani military ruler general Pervez Musharraf called on Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohammed at the end of last month, he got an earful about the importance of "democracy," apparently delivered in deadly earnest. Apparently more courteous, Musharraf did not respond by counter-lecturing his host about the importance of press freedom, but he might have done so on the basis of Mahathir’s treatment of the Islamic tabloid, Harakah, published by the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS).

Harakah has been banned from publishing twice weekly as a result of its bold and accurate coverage of events in the wake of the Anwar Ibrahim saga. Despite the fact that Harakah could not be sold openly on newsstands, its circulation soared to 370,000 copies while government-owned newspapers struggled to keep afloat, their credibility in tatters after Anwar was unceremoniously sacked amid lurid and ridiculous allegations.

On March 1, the Malaysian government imposed fresh restrictions on Harakah when it applied the renewal of its annual license. Restricting it to two issues a month is the latest in a series of restrictive measures taken against the paper since November’s elections, which dented Mahathir’s support base in the Malay-majority areas. PAS made major inroads at the expense of the ruling United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) coalition. Officials first seized copies being sold on the streets to the public, saying it was in violation of conditions on Harakah’s publishing permit, which allows sales to PAS members only.

Its circulation may have dropped slightly but the paper has retained a loyal following. "The access (to the paper) was made more difficult but nonetheless the popularity of Harakah remained or even increased," noted media analyst Mustafa Anuar. The paper’s editor, Zulkifli Sulong, and its printer were among five opposition figures arrested in a crackdown that evoked widespread condemnation. The two face sedition charges punishable by up to three years in jail over an article about the trial of Anwar Ibrahim.

Mahathir referred to the restrictions imposed on Harakah as "a normal procedure" imposed on those who frequently break the law. "When you break the law, you expect to be punished. The law must be obeyed."

Critics have condemned the restrictions on Harakah as politically motivated. Others cite economic reasons for restriction on Harakah’s frequency. On February 1, the opposition coalition, Barisan Alternatif (Alternative Front), launched a three-month boycott of selected pro-government media: the English daily New Straits Times, the Malay daily Utusan Malaysia, and private television station TV3. There is evidence that these outlets are hurting as the boycott eats into sales. The clampdown on Harakah is widely regarded as providing a lifeline for the pro-government media.

The real reason, however, is political: the government’s credibility has been seriously undermined by Harakah’s bold coverage of events. Its free-wheeling content, giving all sides an hearing, has given many Malaysians a taste of what press freedom is about and they are now hungry for such critical news and analysis. Despite the restrictions, Harakah is still coming out with an 80-page edition (16 of which are in English) and sells a massive 300,000 copies of each issue, much to the chagrin of Mahathir and his supporters. PAS had earlier applied for a licence to publish a daily newspaper to be called Purnama. This is unlikely to be granted.

But an unforeseen consequence of the government restrictions could be that more Malaysians will turn to the Internet for alternative news. Only five percent of Malaysians currently use the Internet. Making access to Harakah more difficult, observers say, may prove the government’s most successful policy for promote computer literacy.

PAS has already launched a daily interactive version of Harakah on the Internet (www.harakahdaily.com), apart from the cyber version of its printed edition. It joins the ranks of other popular alternative news websites such as Laman Reformasi and Malaysia Kini.

Together they pose a dilemma for Mahathir. Much as he would like to control these websites, he cannot do so without jeopardising his pet multibillion ringgit Multimedia Super Corridor project. Trying to draw top computer firms to invest in this high-tech zone south of Kuala Lumpur, he promised investors that the government would not censor the internet.

But in the wake of the emergence of websites critical of the government, officials are making contradictory statements. On March 2, the national news agency Bernama reported deputy interior minister Chor Chee Heung as saying that the new publishing-permit issued to Harakah could be suspended or revoked if the internet version of the PAS official newspaper was published more than twice a month. Harakah must abide by the terms and conditions of the permit if the internet edition used the same name as the printed version, he was reported as saying; "they cannot claim that no one can control the internet version."

A day later, however, Chor said that press reports had misquoted him and that it remains the government’s policy not to censor publications and material on the internet. But other ministers, such as energy, communications and multimedia minister Leo Moggie, have confirmed that the internet edition of Harakah can be controlled by the home ministry because it is a reprint of the PAS newsletter in another medium. This was contradicted yet again by deputy prime minister Abdullah Badawi the following day.

The government says that it is actively promoting information technology and a knowledge-based society but critics say that its latest actions prove it is bent on curtailing the public’s right to alternative sources of information. In this, it is fighting a rearguard battle against greater political awareness and modern technology that it cannot hope to win. But Harakah has started something which the Malaysian regime is finding increasingly difficult to curtail, much less control.