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US
and Muslims both facing crises in Iraq
America’s humiliation in Iraq has
led some observers to describe it as another Vietnam. This is not quite accurate; the US’s Iraqi
experience is much closer to the Russians’ in Afghanistan, with very similar outcomes, both positive and negative. Should the
US military stay in Iraq extend
for a decade or more, as did the Red Army’s in Afghanistan, there will perhaps be no United States left to return to, at least as far as its
superpower pretensions are concerned. This is not just wishful thinking,
although the world undoubtedly would be a far better place if the rogue
superpower were cut down to size.
A
number of factors have come together to make the demise of the US as a superpower inevitable. Politically, the US is more
hated today than it has ever been in its entire history, despite the enormous
sympathy for it in the aftermath of 9/11. Throughout the world it is viewed
as an arrogant, greedy and oppressive power. Economically, the US faces
a serious crisis. Its deficit of US$43 trillion (according to one commentator,
a trillion dollars stacked in $1,000 bills would rise
to a height of 109km) will increase further if the US does
not drastically change its policies. By 2015, almost all US income
will be consumed by four sectors: old-age security payments for the baby-boomer
generation, medicare, defence, and interest
on the burgeoning debt. Already the US needs
a daily input of US$2 billion to keep it afloat. Although 64 percent of
all foreign Central Banks’ reserves are still held in dollars, the euro
has already attracted 20 percent of the world’s reserves since its introduction
less than five years ago.
Let
us examine the question of America’s
collapse a little further. It has enormous destructive power, but its
terrorizing effect lasts only as long as such power is not used; once
it is unleashed, people quickly learn to deal with it. Take, for instance,
the US’s plight
in Afghanistan and Iraq, where its heavily armed forces have got a bloody nose at the hands
of lightly armed guerrillas. American policy-makers had not imagined even
in their wildest dreams that Iraq would
turn out to be so difficult. US secretary
of defence Donald Rumsfeld, the principal architect
of the war policy, along with other senior neo-con figures, looks very
agitated these days when reminded of the grim realities in Iraq, which
has become a crucial theatre for resistance to US imperialism.
This
is one aspect of the current situation. Another, more crucial question
is whether the people of Iraq are
capable of establishing a just order in their society once they are rid of the US. Unfortunately
they have shown little sign of the kind of understanding and maturity
that the situation demands. The Shi‘a majority
view the resistance as Ba‘athist-inspired, and
motivated by the desire to regain the power and influence they have lost
as a result of the US invasion and occupation; the Sunnis see all Shi‘as
as American collaborators. Both
perceptions are wrong, but point to the dangers lurking ahead. Unless
such mistrust is overcome, there will be much greater chaos in Iraq than
has been seen so far, even after the Americans are driven out. There is
no room for such faulty thinking in Iraq or
anywhere else.
Muslims
have a remarkable capacity for winning wars but losing the peace, as the
Afghan experience has shown. No sooner had the Russians been driven out
than the Afghans were at each others’ throats. A similar danger lurks
in Iraq, with
much more frightening consequences. The US will
be defeated—no power has ever subdued an entire population—but what comes
next is still a huge question mark. Although the Iraqis have no history
of sectarian conflict, it is now growing strongly, with active encouragement
from Uncle Sam. Also, the fragmentation of Iraq along
ethnic lines is a distinct possibility, promoted by the US as part
of its disruptive policy in case it fails to achieve its political and
strategic objectives. Under Anglo-American occupation, there is already
a de facto division of the country into an “autonomous Kurdish enclave”
in the North, a “Shi‘a
enclave” in the South and a “Sunni rump” in the middle. Unfortunately,
the Kurds have historically allowed themselves to be used, first by the
British, and now by the zionists
and the Americans, to play the spoilers’ role. The Shi‘as
appear to have fallen into a similar trap. Nobody should have any illusions
about the sinister plans that the US-British occupiers have for Iraq and
the region as a whole. Any fragmentation of Iraq will
have grave consequences for the Ummah, which
is still suffering the-ill effects of the division of the Middle East a century ago.
Muslims
cannot afford to keep repeating the same mistakes again. Iraq remains a crucial test of whether the Ummah
has learned anything at all from history.
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