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Few positive signs
– but Palestinians fight on
As this
issue went to press (June 26), Israeli prime minister
Ariel Sharon was meeting with US president George W.
Bush at the White House in Washington. It was the second
meeting between the two men since each came to office
earlier this year, and a calculated demonstration of
the US’s partiality towards Israel. US Senator George
Mitchell, author of the Mitchell Report that is supposed
to be the basis for a resumption of the ‘peace process’,
said after the meeting had been announced that Bush
should also invite Palestinian president Yasser Arafat
to the White House in order to show balance; he was
studiously ignored. Instead Arafat had to make do with
a meeting with William Burns, the US special envoy to
the Middle East, in Ramallah on June 23. Burns reportedly
assured Arafat that the US remained committed to the
‘peace process’; Arafat may have been reassured, but
few others Palestinians can have been.
All this
is of course just more of the posturing that has characterised
the ‘peace process’ from the outset. The situation in
Palestine has fallen out of the headlines since the
Mitchell Report and the ‘ceasefire’ brokered by CIA
director George Tenet earlier in June. The ceasefire
is illusory; but the illusion is being maintained because
it suits the west’s latest strategy, which — in the
terms of the Mitchell Report — is for a ceasefire, followed
by a cooling-off period and then a resumption of negotiations.
In a sharp contrast to his earlier bullish attitude,
Sharon said after the deaths of two Israeli soldiers
in a Hamas operation on June 23 that the intifada could
not be defeated "by force alone". Voice of
America radio summed up the attitude, reporting paradoxically
on June 24 that the ceasefire was holding "despite
repeated clashes". Clearly they too know that what
people say matters more than what is really happening.
The Palestinians,
meanwhile, have no illusions about the ceasefire, as
thousands continue to suffer the consequences of zionist
"restraint". The Palestinian human-rights
group LAW reported on June 22 that "Israeli forces
have continued to commit grave violations against Palestinian
civilians over the past week, including the excessive
use of armed force against peaceful demonstrations".
LAW recorded three civilian deaths during the week of
June 14-20, all of them of children. It also catalogued
19 cases of soldiers firing on unarmed demonstrators,
in which over 50 Palestinians were injured, and 16 cases
of attacks on Palestinians by settlers, in which over
30 Palestinians were injured. As overt military activity
was reduced, moreover, demolitions and burning of property,
by both settlers and soldiers, have increased since
the ceasefire. The Palestinian areas also remain under
siege, and continue to suffer grave economic damage.
The intifada,
and the Muslim response to it, is now following a pattern
that must be familiar to Islamic activists: an initial
burst of activity, greeted with ecstacy and great hope
by Muslims around the world, followed by a gradual decline,
the reassertion of control by our enemies, and growing
disillusion and disappointment with the gains made.
Hamas and Islamic Jihad have pledged to continue the
intifada and carry on rejecting the ‘peace process’,
but the question facing them remains the same as it
was before: yes, the struggle must be continued, but
against whom? The ultimate enemies are the zionists
of Israel and beyond them the US and the West; but the
problem is that in Palestine the immediate enemy are
all too often the fellow-Palestinians of the Palestinian
Authority (PA), conned into doing the Israelis’ dirty
work for them. In the past Islamic movements have stopped
short of targeting the PA, but as Arafat’s security
forces move against the Islamic movement once more,
the problem returns with greater force.
The root
of this problem is that in Palestine, in other countries
and everywhere else, Islamic movements are forced to
operate on a battlefield controlled and designed by
our enemies in every way, at every level. Until this
control is broken, by Islamic movements building Islamic
states in Muslim countries and then working together
to assert the collective power of the Ummah against
the domination of the West, problems like the question
of the PA in Palestine (and Kashmir, Chechenya, the
Balkans, Mindanao, Sudan etc.) are unlikely to be solved.
The important thing at this stage, as shown by the mujahideen
in Palestine, is that the fight must not be abandoned,
nor any ground willingly conceded.
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